Ukrainian East-West Dichotomy

With a population of 45 668 million inhabitants (as of September 2011, ) spread over 603,700 km2, Ukraine represents one of the largest East European countries. In the course of centuries, it served as a very important link and strategic crossroute between East and West falling under political and cultural influence from both sides. This summer signaled the 20^th anniversary of independence  for a state and its always a big day for a whole society when everyone can feel the unity. However, in my essay “Ukrainian East-West Dichotomy” I want to point out the differences between the Eastern and Western Ukraine and its respected inhabitants. Since the course is deals with the borders, boundaries and frontiers, I will use this concepts as a framework for my analysis. Ukraine is a one, independent state, without any internal borders, but I argue in my article that there is certain issues and moments that allows to say that there is a “border in  mind“  or invisible border lying between east and west. As an examples of such diversity I will analyze many issues, among others are:  language, ethnicity, religion, political preferences, economical development, role of local elites in influencing regional population. I continue the analysis, arguing that such a discrepancy and REGIONALISM leads to such processes as decentralization and disintegration. It also leads to the question of national cultural identity, which is very vague. We can look at the Ukrainian/Russian linguistic, cultural and political dichotomy as both a major problem and major opportunity for development. The rational solution of this issue might create the common civic national (community/cultural) identity that would embrace all indigenous peoples and national minorities. The problem is that till now none of these two major cultures has the sufficient potential to become the dominating and to assimilate other cultures. My main question to examine is where is boundary, that make regions so diverge, lies and point to aspects and reasons that constitutes such boundaryes.  I will provide historical background in order to see, how differently the east and west of Ukraine has developed and what is the situation now, referring for data related to the issues of Orange Revolution, which in my view, only widened the gap between East and West Ukraine.

- Igor

Short Description of Border Paper

The ‘modern nation-state’ as classically understood was born from the coupling of three elements: community, polity, and territory.  This essay will largely focus on how institutions and policies have shaped the ‘glue’ binding these three elements in 19^th-early 20^th century nationalism, and, more importantly, how the de-coupling of these elements with the onset of globalization has led states to restructure their  institutions and policies to accompany newly understood conceptions of ‘territory’ and ‘community.’  Special attention will be given to immigration policies and programs from the 1960’s-present in Sweden.

This essay will begin by focusing on territory, traditionally understood, as a ‘boundary’ facilitating self-determination, sovereignty, and citizenship – leading to the ‘essentialization’ of culture.   I will then show how the Single European Act dissolved the territorial notion of ‘boundary’ by eliminating frontiers (making Europe a ‘borderland’) and creating a perceived affront to state sovereignty.  The state, adapting to the SEA, instituted new institutions and policies in response to labor migration that birthed an entirely new set of frontiers – for immigrants and natives alike.  The essay will then follow the transition of European ‘labor migrants’ to ‘settlers,’ whereupon the boundary between citizen and alien became blurred – a boundary necessary for self-determination.  This argument will be structured around the debate concerning rights to benefits of the Swedish welfare state.

The essay will then shift to the present day, where a paradox lies between the ‘ethical universalist’ norms projected by the EU’s member states collectively, and the individual institutions and policies that necessitate exclusion and discrimination (both to immigrants and natives).   I will then show how the normative values of the EU require a ‘reinstitutionalization’ by the state in order to balance international law (and EU normative values) with the ‘essentialization of culture.’   I will accomplish this end by showing how Sweden’s political discourse and immigrant-targeted programs serve to draw boundaries between the native culture and ‘the other.’  While on the surface appearing to ‘integrate’ ‘immigrants,’ these programs actually hinder the ‘assimilation’ of ‘foreigners.’  Finally, I will conclude by arguing that both the Centre-left and Far-right parties of Sweden can be construed as anti-immigration, although their political discourses, policies, and methods of institutionalization differ.

Thus, the ultimate hypothesis is as follows: The institutional erosion of territorial boundaries by the EU’s ‘open borders’ policies have led to a historical reinterpretation of ‘nationalism’ by member states, who, in response to the change of ‘labor migrants’ to ‘settlers’, have ‘reinstitutionalized’ new borders such that anti-immigration sentiments can be seen across parties, albeit through different discourses, in order to maintain sovereignty and their native ‘essentialization’ of culture.

- Michael Bossetta

European Identity in Flux: A Passive Response to Capitalism or an Active Response to Big Government

According to some scholars in academia, ‘Europe’ is not defined by its geographical setting but rather a set of ideological conditions which have been historical contingent upon its development.  Zygmunt Bauman is one such scholar, and he intends to resurrect this definition of Europe with the aid of Europe’s finest humanists in his work Europe: An Unfinished Adventure. According to Bauman, Europe has lost its manipulative drive to re-order the world in light of its values and identity (a feature that throughout history has made Europe the ‘inventor of culture’), and in doing so Europe has marked a transition from a ‘social’ to ‘security state.’

Europe’s essence, according to Bauman, consisted of four key values: rationality, justice, democracy, and freedom.  Europe’s ‘planetary mission,’ its seemingly divine calling, was to further and structure these values upon the rest of the world.  Europe thus became the virtuoso of humanity, culture, and civilization – albeit through a Hegelian learning and correcting process driven by bouts of intense conflict and atrocities against humanity.

The aforementioned four values of Europe are epitomized by what Bauman refers to as the ‘social state.’ The social state, according to Bauman, champions above all “[one’s] place in society, personal dignity…honor of workmanship, self-respect, human understanding and humane treatment” (pg. 82).  These concepts are actualized in the political sphere by having the state guarantee to all of its citizens “a collectively endorsed and financed insurance policy against individual and categorical injuries unavoidable in a capitalist economy,” and a state that “measure[s] the quality of the whole society by the quality of life or its weakest and most sorely injured citizens” (pg. 74).

The arrival of the deregulated free market, beginning in the 1970’s, has slowly and methodically replaced the ‘social state’ with the ‘security state.’  The ‘security state,’ instead of being driven by humane principles of tolerance and fairness, is driven solely by fear.  Instead of the citizen working out of self-respect and honor (as in the social state), in the security state one works out of fear of being marginalized by society, i.e. perpetually exiled from the working class as the ‘human waste’ of capitalism.  In short, the dog-eat-dog nature of capitalism has bred a society reminisce of Hobbes’ state of nature; a nasty, brutish, and short existence where fear of survival governs man’s actions.  Instead of having the state guarantee one’s security, one must constantly work out of fear that he may lose this security on his own account.

The antithesis of the social state is individual freedom (in the sense that in pure individual freedom citizens are not obliged to pay for anything – much less anyone else).  Congressman Ron Paul from Texas presented an interesting alternative at the recent Conservative Political Action (CPAC): What if Americans ‘opted out’ of an income tax, and instead paid a flat tax of 10% just to get the government ‘off their backs’?  Paul’s ‘compromise’ lies in stark contradiction to Bauman’s conception of European social ideals.  At the same time, Paul presents an interesting argument at 3:17, claiming that the notion of government to protect its citizens “depends on force.”  In other words, Paul argues that government-run social programs are essentially ‘forced’ upon citizens since they have been a seemingly unchangeable status-quo.

Joe Klein, columnist for Time Magazine, refutes Paul’s idea in a recent blog post.  Klein argues that the founding fathers of America sought to preserve individual rights by the ‘consent of the governed,’ who have chosen to democratically create government-run programs for the common good.  Klein writes, “What I am saying is that the American people, over time, have rejected Ron Paul’s 10% offer because it places too much emphasis on individual rights and too little on the common good.” (http://swampland.blogs.time.com/2011/02/12/the-other-red-meat/)

But have they? Do people born into society – keeping in mind one’s birthplace is out of one’s control – necessarily have to accept the ideologies and policies of generations before them?  Do contemporary Europeans necessarily have to accept the four virtues Bauman claims are fundamental to European identity?  Apparently not.  Europe as a whole seems to be shifting more towards the political center, if not bypassing moderacy entirely and plunging into the right (as evidenced by the rise of nationalist parties in countries such as Denmark, The Netherlands, and most recently Sweden).  Election results across Europe are favoring more stringent economic policy, deregulation, and the scaling back of welfare programs.

The Scandinavian countries have always provided free education for citizens outside the EU – a prime example of Europe’s ‘planetary mission’ to demonstrate its four virtues on the rest of the world by example.  Denmark, and as of next year Sweden, will charge tuition (~10,000 Euros/year) for students from non-EU/EEA countries – shutting out students from the rest of the world.

We are currently witnessing a paradigm shift in what it means to be ‘European.’ Recent policy changes in European countries seem to suggest younger generations of Europeans are refuting the ‘social values’ of the past for fear of being marginalized by society (both in terms of economy and national identity).  Is this evidence that Europeans have been subconsciously materialized as passive by-products of Bauman’s ‘security state’?  Or, perhaps Europeans are seeing the ‘social state’ as a force to which they have not consented to, and election results represent an active renaissance towards individual freedom.  Either way, the trend away from previous conceptions of the social state is clear – the question is whether it is a passive or active response to today’s world.

- Michael Bossetta

Judge from Virginia Demonstrates Federalism by Checking Congressional and Executive Power

In light of our lecture today on federalism, here is a perfect example of the workings of federalism in the US system. In a ruling delivered today against the Obama administration, one can see how the judicial system has checked the power of the executive and legislative branches – within the confines of the law – using the ontology (ideas, norms) expressed in a document (the US Constitution). The judge did not reject the entire health care bill, just the section that requires Americans to carry health insurance or pay a fine. This has been argued by Judge Hudson as unconstitutional, since enforcing such a measure “exceeds the constitutional boundaries of congressional power.” In other words, this judge argues that the government forcing Americans to carry health insurance (traditionally existing only as a private sector) infringes upon the civil liberty of freedom that many Americans take to be an inherent right of being a US citizen.  This excerpt from Hudson’s ruling summarizes his verdict well:

“At its core, this dispute is not simply about regulating the business of insurance — or crafting a scheme of universal health coverage — it’s about an individual’s right to choose to participate.”

Out of the 20+ cases filed against Obama’s law, 2 have sided with Obama and 1 against. It will be extremely interesting to see how the Supreme Court handles this case – and the outcome can be interpreted as whether or not America will adopt a new social policy norm that is widely viewed as ‘European.’

- Michael Bossetta

(Citations taken from the Wall Street Journal’s article “Judge Calls Health Law Unconstitutional” available here: http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703727804576017552229615230.html?mod=WSJEUROPE_hpp_LEFTTopStories)

The EU’s Cohesion Strategy within Regional Policy: An Investment with Bullish Returns?

Pop quiz: How do you close the economic and cultural disparities of 27 countries?  For the EU, the answer lies in focusing largely on regional policy to achieve economic and social solidarity among its member states.  If the EU’s cohesion strategy turns out to be successful, Europa may be riding a new ‘bull’ – all the way to the bank.

Look out Zeus - There may be a new bull in town...

The EU’s cohesion policy, the keystone of EU regional policy, consists of three separate – yet related – objectives: convergence, competiveness, and cooperation.   Put succinctly, the main goal of EU cohesion policy is to limit the wide inequality among the EU’s 271 regions.  The labor productivity of inner London, for example, rests at 296% of the EU average, whereas the Northeast region of Poland has only 44.5% the EU productivity average. [1]

The EU’s regional policy website cites possible causes of such lagging regions as “longstanding handicaps imposed by geographic remoteness or by more recent social and economic change, or a combination of both.”[2] The consequences of these factors can seriously inhibit the quality of life in poorer regions, as evidenced by “social deprivation, poor quality schools, higher joblessness and inadequate infrastructures.”[3] The goal of the EU’s regional policy, then, is to bolster growth and innovation in suffering regions by revamping infrastructure, creating jobs, and providing economic incentives for entrepreneurs.

The strategy employed by the EU’s regional policy is two-fold.  Economically, regional policy aims to bolster growth in laggard regions through revamping infrastructure, creating jobs, and providing incentive for innovation and entrepreneurship.  Socially, regional policy provides funding for programs such as bettering schools or re-introducing criminals into society.

The price tag for this goal is hefty at €350 billion (from 2007-2013), but the fact that regional policy consists of 36% of the EU’s total budget highlights the important role regional policy plays in achieving European solidarity.[4] Thus far, the results have been positive. Since 2007, regional policy has contributed to a 10% gain in employment and has created 1.4 million jobs.  Johannes Hahn, the European Commissioner for Regional Policy, has stated in a press conference in January that “regional policy has been an absolute success story for European integration…I’m saying [this] with clear words and I have no doubt about it.”[5]

Skeptics, however, point out that the structural funds that grant regional policy funds lack transparency and are overly complex.  Marian Harkin, an MEP from Ireland, has noted that there is “a strong argument for greater visibility of these funds, and an urgent need for simplification.”[6] She goes on to say that bureaucracy and red tape limit the availability and swift deliverance of regional policy monies.

Still, regional policy overall has seemed to be quite effective in facilitating European solidarity despite numerous obstacles to integration.  One such obstacle is labor mobility within the EU.  In 2008, only 1.2% of total working age population changed their residence within the EU, compared to 2.8% in the US.[7] This could pose a real threat to future economic stability of the EU as the baby-boom generation retires.

There is a beacon of hope,  contingent upon the outcome of regional policy itself.  The European Commission cites “significant differences between countries in the extent of regional movements, with a clear distinction between the countries in the Eastern and Western part”[8] as one explanation of the lack of inter-EU mobility.  If regional policy continues to be successful in facilitating European integration, perhaps the cultural differences among EU member states may be diluted enough to encourage more inter-EU mobility.  If this becomes the scenario (certainly the hope of EU regional policy advocates), Europe will open the floodgates for unimaginable economic prosperity – and the billions of Euros pumped into cohesion policy will be returned tenfold.

However, even if regional policy fails in accomplishing its goal of social solidarity across Europe, it will remain hard for Europeans to argue that granting funding to socially and economically disadvantaged regions was a mistake – especially when viewed against the backdrop of normative EU social values.

- Michael Bossetta 

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[1]“Investing in Europe’s Future” (Video) http://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/sources/docoffic/official/reports/cohesion5/index_en.cfm

[2] http://europa.eu/pol/reg/index_en.htm

[3] Ibid

[4] Ibid

[5] http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gQUY1ch-20k

[6] http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qhcrzV6B8F4

[7] European Commission. Investing in Europe’s Future: Fifth report on economic, social and territorial cohesion. Pg 9

http://ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/sources/docoffic/official/reports/cohesion5/index_en.cfm

[8] Ibid, Pg. 10

Isolating Nordic Identity

What does it mean to be Nordic?  Is it having a keen sense of rationality, a desire for peace, a willingness to shell out 40-60% of your gross income to the state?  Or, is it having the strength of Pippi Longstocking whilst splitting the head of your foe with a battleaxe during a Viking raid?

For Ole Weaver, “[T]he essence of ‘Norden’, its identity, was based on its difference from Europe.” Weaver goes on to define Nordic identity by a ‘Third Way,’ an alternative to ideals exemplified by a conflicted Europe, fractured by liberal Western and communist Eastern ideologies.   The Norden aloofness from the rest of Europe has allowed the region to develop sustainable welfare states, exhibiting socialist ideologies yet driven by capitalism.

When Weaver published his article in 1992, the future of the Nordic welfare states was uncertain in the wake of the fall of the Iron Curtain.  Weaver questioned whether the Nordic countries would remain autonomous and protective of their identity, or whether they would opt to join an increasingly powerful European Union – with the risk of potentially being drawn into international conflicts with which they would have formerly abstained.

However, the Nordic countries seem to be heading towards stronger European integration throughout the two decades after Weaver’s article.  Today Sweden, Denmark, and Finland are members of the EU, and Iceland is sure to follow suit.  Norway, an economic powerhouse driven by oil, is the only Nordic country who has opted not to participate, arguably because it has the resources to do so.  Despite increased cooperation and integration with the southern continent, Nordic identity remains strong – contradicting Weaver’s speculative hypothesis.

Nordic identity goes deeper than Weaver’s notion of a construct formed as a contrast to Europe.   It is not the ‘other’ that defines the ‘self identity’ of Nordic peoples, but rather it is the Nordic people who have created their own culture.  Their values have been framed not only by economic and political interactions with other nations; the Nordic countries have brooded a distinct cultural heritage stemming from their geographical position and collective historical memory.

Isolated in the north, Nordic peoples have traditionally bred a homogenous culture of blonde-haired, blue-eyed people.  This notion, coupled with a similar climate across the five Nordic nations, has led to a community structure – concretely through politics and banally through ideology – which aids in facilitating the mindset necessary for a successful welfare system.   Through the centuries, such a cooperative mentality has slowly evolved into a collective consciousness of ‘leaving no man or woman behind.’

Certainly Weaver is correct in assessing that an aggressive and war-torn Europe has had its historical effect on Nordic consciousness.  Looking down at their seemingly barbaric neighbors in the South, the Nordic people have preferred to strengthen their own communities instead of joining the ruthless notion of what it was (in the 19^th century) to be ‘European.’  This isolation, we argue, has bred the Nordic conceptions of peace, rationality, and pragmatic alternatives to conflict.  While Weaver focuses on these current factors of Nordic identity, we feel that this is just the tip of the iceberg – underneath the surface lies the frozen foundation of collective memory upon which Nordic values were built.

As what it means to be ‘European’ changes – from militant nations to a cooperative continent – the visible part of the Nordic iceberg will be molded and sculpted for the international community to see.   However, even if the EU breaks apart and the ice above the water melts, deep below the surface there will always be an enormous collective consciousness among the Nordic peoples – as solid and impregnable as permafrost.

- Ahmet, Lina, and Michael

Value and Identity – The Case of ‘Euroshopper’

The Euroshopper Logo

The product/brand we decided to focus on was the line of ‘Euroshopper’ products.  Marketed by AMS Sourcing B.V., the Euroshopper line of products was put to market in 1996, and the brand includes common commodities of ‘high quality at low prices.’  Euroshopper products are currently sold in 16 countries across Europe, and they generate approximately € 500 million in retail sales. 

For the ‘sender’ category, we conducted interviews with two managers of ICA, the grocery chain in Sweden that distributes Euroshopper products.  But first, we decided to check out the brand values of Euroshopper as listed on the AMS website:

EURO SHOPPER™ brand values

• No-nonsense brand
• Good quality products at low prices
• The design reflects the product
• Value for money: low price, good value
• International brand recognition
• All basic commodity products available

This set of ‘values’ seems only to express the economic advantages of the product.  There is little to no mention of qualitative qualities such as strong goodwill – for example, people buying Coca-Cola just because of the brand name.  Instead, Euroshopper relies on cheap packaging and large volume in order to offer a decent-quality product at a low price.  The bottom line of Euroshopper, then, is its quantitative value.

Cheap Packaging + Volume = Low Prices!

Marcus, one manager of ICA who we interviewed, mentioned that the consumers who buy Euroshopper are usually conscious of price.  As common consumers of Euroshopper products he listed: consumers conscious of income, families with children, and students.  The ‘no-nonsense’ approach Euroshopper takes lets the customer know exactly what he’s paying for.  It is also interested to note that the ICA stores motto is ‘To Inspire Food and Health,’ and the Euroshopper brand does not really fit into that category.  Rather, Euroshopper is a product offered to consumers as a strictly low-cost option.

Ola, the other manager we interviewed, stressed three components to Euroshopper: low price, cheap packaging, and good quality.  Moreover, volume and packaging is what keeps the brand cheap.  He added another group to Marcus’s list – immigrants.  Ola noted that where there is a large population of immigrants, there are more Euroshopper products offered. 

We also interviewed local students who knew of the Euroshopper brand.  Our hypothesis was that the ‘Euro’ in the Euroshopper name would not evoke much sentiment concerning identity; rather, Euroshopper would merely be used as a cost-conscious alternative to premium products.  Like Marcus mentioned, we figured students would pick Euroshopper solely on the low-price which the brand uses as its selling point.

Look at all those Crispy, Fried, Medium Quality Onions... Mmmmm!

This hypothesis was supported by the interviewing of two local students, Emilia (Polish) and Carsten (German).  When asked about Euroshopper, Emilia immediately exclaimed “Hot Cocoa!”  She mentioned that she purchased the brand because she favored Euroshopper’s hot cocoa over the ICA brand.  Therefore, value was the driving factor for Emilia.

Carsten, however, was focused mainly on price.  He claimed that he usually purchases Euroshopper products “because they are cheap,” and quality is less of a driving factor than price.  Neither Carsten nor Emilia mentioned any connection between Euroshopper and European identity – the choice to purchase the brand was based on either value or price alone.

The above observations have led us to a variety of interesting comparisons between the Euroshopper product and the EU.  After all, Euroshopper is a transnational brand that is produced within the 16 member-states which make up its market-share. Firstly, the brand is sold most in part to its ‘high value, low cost” marketing technique.  We found this similar to the Treaty of Rome 1957, which created a common market among the Western European countries.  The treaty connected these countries on purely economic incentive, just as Euroshopper is sold on strictly cost-conscious marketing (i.e. no-nonsense brand). 

Secondly, we found it interesting that Ola mentioned that areas with large numbers of immigrants have large numbers of Euroshopper products.  If immigrants are buying Euroshopper over local goods, this may highlight that they are willing to go with more ‘European’ products than those produced by local vendors.  Though this could be primarily driven by price, we suggest that it might be the case that immigrants do not have the same bond to local venders that national citizens may have. This brings to mind a supra-national vs. national distinction, and Fligstein’s arguments that Eastern immigrants fueling Western economies are more willing to identity as Europeans than those staying in their respective nations. 

Finally, keeping this supra-national and national distinction in mind, we questioned the role Euroshopper had to play in the facilitation or hindering of supranationalism (i.e. Europeaness).  We will use the example of a travelling student to emphasize this conundrum.  Let’s say a student goes travelling to a country outside of his own.  He goes into the supermarket to buy food, and he sees the Euroshopper brand of his favorite food product.  The fact that the Euroshopper brand is even available presents a hindrance to local producers. This can be compared to the EU’s policies of open borders creating employment difficulties for those on the national level.  Now, let’s say the student buys the Euroshopper product for his lunch, so that he can use the money he saves to go out to a local restaurant in the evening.  In this sense, the Euroshopper brand is facilitating the student’s local immersion on the national level.  Thus, the supra-national aids the experience of the national level, and they work hand-in-hand (because if not for the Euroshopper price value, the student may not have been able to afford a local restaurant that night).  This is clearly evidenced on a larger scale by policies such as open-borders, in which the supranational EU aids nations by allowing for a larger employment pool.

Euroshopper - A Transnational Product

In conclusion, although the Euroshopper brand may seem like a trivial source for identifying with transnational and national identities, the concept is not to be overlooked.  The low-price of Euroshopper products creates incentives for consumers to pick the product that seem to override (or exclude entirely) concepts of identity.  Such small case studies may be able to be used in the future as microcosmic examples of larger scale projects such as the EU.

- Gabriella and Michael

Micheal Bossetta’s blogging experience (or lack therof…)

My experience with blogs is quite limited.  For me, blogs are along the same lines as Twitter – I just haven’t gotten into it.  Blogs, from what I gather, are mostly unsupervised opinion pages, so it would appear to me that it would be best just to get my information from more objective sources.  However, maybe this blogging course will change all of that.

- Michael